I have often argued that the Nigerian state is, at bottom, a
criminal enterprise, organised to serve the interests of its most
unconscionable criminals, often chaps who go by the pompous designation of
political stakeholders. And, save for cosmetics and a higher hypocrisy
quotient, there is little in today’s political environment to warrant a
revision of my dour opening claim.
It is still their wont to serve themselves first, serve
themselves next, and serve themselves last. They remain specialist profiteers
from Nigerians’ collective misery.
On any given day, members of Nigeria’s state and national
legislatures – whose chief mandate is to propose or pass laws – provide proof
that their country is a lawless, ethics-free, anything-goes space.
The latest chapter of Nigeria’s absurd legislative drama is
tied to what’s now known as “budget padding.” More than a week ago, Speaker
Yakubu Dogara of the House of Representatives, announced the removal of
Abdulmumin Jibrin as the chairman of the appropriations committee. The
erstwhile chairman was blamed for the illicit sneaking in of billions of naira
into the 2016 budget. That shady and embarrassing affair, tagged padding,
created a further fiasco in the 2016 budgetary process.
If Mr. Dogara thought he was going to have the last word,
that the former appropriations man would shamble off to a corner and bow his
head in a penitential act of shame, well, Mr. Jibrin either didn’t get the memo
– or he was having none of it. Far from exhibiting contrition, Mr. Jibrin –
like a reeling boxer bolstered by a sudden rush of adrenaline – went into a
ferocious attack mode.
First, he dismissed the idea that he had been punitively
removed. Instead, he had decided to step down for wholly personal reasons, he
said, and after consultation with his family. And then he unleashed a flurry of
counter-punches. In personal statements, tweets and releases by his law firm,
he accused the speaker and three other major officers of the House of
Representatives of conspiring to remove him because he had, in fact, resisted
their pressure to illegally insert N40 billion into the budget for their
personal benefit.
What followed was typical political flimflam. An official of
the House stood by the speaker, excoriated Mr. Jibrin and declared that fellow
legislators would soon deal with him. The speaker demanded that the ex-chair of
appropriations recant and retract the allegations he made, or face a lawsuit.
Ever defiant, Mr. Jibrin reaffirmed his claims and told Nigerians that Mr.
Dogara’s threat to hasten to court was a well-worn strategy for sweeping the
scandal under the carpet. For – according to him – once the case is in court,
where interminable adjournments are the rule of the game, the speaker and his
cohorts could foreclose any further discussion simply by stating that the matter
was sub judice.
If the late Afrobeat maestro, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, were
around, he would have a pithy phrase for the entire odoriferous affair. Let’s
just say, in the spirit of that musical genius, who possessed an uncommon
insight into the pathologies of Nigerian life, “yeye dey smell!”
Let’s pause for a simple test. I want you, dear reader, to
name three bills passed by the National Assembly since 1999 that have uplifted
Nigerians in a significant way. Go ahead, take thirty minutes and think about
it. Okay, exhale. Now, let’s do another test. Think of the various scandals
that have shaken the National Assembly in sixteen years. Exhale again!
It is no secret any more: Nigerian legislators (it’s become
a tacky cliché to call them legislooters) are some of the highest paid of their
kind in the world. Yet, many “honorable” members hardly ever stand up to say
“good morning” in the legislative chambers. Oh, forget about initiating or
co-sponsoring a bill. In fact, many of Nigeria’s 109 senators and 360 representatives
hardly bother to show up for work. Just go to YouTube and watch a few videos of
legislative sessions and see how scandalously sparse attendance is. Each year,
Nigerians, left raggedy by poverty, millions of them scrounging about on less
than a dollar a day, richly reward state and federal legislators for work NOT
done. We take food from the mouths of malnourished, dying infants to hand
premium perks to some of this earth’s most indolent men and women.
Nigerian senators officially and flatteringly address
themselves as Distinguished Senator This and That. Yet, many of them are
incapable of asking a single serious question when screening ministerial
nominees. It’s as if these senators are either nose-deprived or (as the
Nigerian expression goes) can’t “hear” a smell, even one that’s rubbed against
their noses. How many stinky nominees did these lawmakers look at and, asking
nary a question, use that most facile phrase, “Take a bow and go!”
Often, Nigerian legislators, those at the National Assembly
as well as their “junior” counterparts at the state level, are most vociferous
in matters concerning money. And I mean money in their pockets. Some of the
fiercest fights between governors and state assemblies have had cash at their
core. And in the reckless pursuit of lucre, some legislatures have had no
qualms invoking the threat of impeachment against an obstinate, tightfisted
governor.
The brouhaha over budget padding has given Nigerians one
more evidence of the raw deal they get from the misshapen bunch in Abuja and
thirty-six state capitals who presume to run the country – but are specialists
in serving their guts alone, ruining others’ lives in the process. In a telling
interview, a member of the House, Lawal Gumau, disclosed that budget padding
was a longstanding crime. Mr. Gumau said he arrived at the National Assembly in
2011 and has been fighting the blight of budget padding since 2012.
Here, then, is a memo to those who persist in the fiction
that “change” touched down in Nigeria when the All Progressives Congress came
to power in 2015: Both Speaker Dogara and Representative Jibrin are APC
members. At the very least, one of them is guilty of transporting a PDP-made
malady into the APC dispensation. That’s why I long argued that both parties
struck me as Siamese twins.
As I write, President Muhammadu Buhari has not deemed fit to
voice one word of moral revulsion on the budget padding matter. Nor has
Nigeria’s attorney general, Abubakar Malami, announced that his office had
launched an investigation into the crime. It’s as if the matter of a grave
crime, the unconscionable wastage of billions of naira of public funds in a
country where millions are unemployed and hundreds of thousands of the employed
are being owned salaries – it’s as if this grave crime is being treated as side
entertainment.
So I ask: What has changed with change?
The whole scandal is an opportunity to rethink the structure
and size of Nigeria’s machinery of governance. I’ve said before, and restate
here: There’s no financial or political sense in having full-time legislators
in Nigeria. In many states in the US, lawmakers are part-time, and merely
receive sitting allowances if and when they meet to do the people’s business.
Nigerian labour unionists, students, peasants and
professionals (who actually earn their keep) should insist that, a., the size
of the House be significantly cut (I’d suggest, by half), and, b., that those
who wish to make laws for us accept to do so on a part-time basis. Not only
would we save ourselves a ton of money, we’re likely to attract savvier
lawmakers – those who truly wish to do public service, rather than engage in
primitive stuffing of outsized bellies.
-OKEY NDIBE {Sun}

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